October 12, Accepted for publishing: This qualitative study describes the voices and agencialities of female rural Andean students enrolled in high school. The study explores how educational practices and discourses in the school and family context impact these young women's voices and agencialities.
Also analyzed are the actions they are taking to change their existing situation. The results show that despite of all obstacles, these women have a firm determination to seek a different future, rather than live under the oppressive patriarchal cycle their mothers and female relatives have endured.
Gender, educational strategies, secondary education. El presente estudio cualitativo describe las voces y agencialidades de estudiantes andinas rurales inscritas en la escuela secundaria. The proportion of students attending school is relatively high compared to other Latin American countries. However, the achievement level of those who graduate is low. Important factors contributing to this low Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics of education include: Another problem commonly seen, particularly in rural classrooms, is teachers' strict, authoritative treatment of students.
Physical and emotional intimidation through shouting and yelling makes students, especially girls, feel they are not able to learn, and not smart enough to be at school Tovar, ; Karlekar, These actions restrict student participation in the classroom, and silence their voices within the school setting. This study is a qualitative inquiry into young rural Andean women's voices and Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics inside and outside educational settings; it is also a call for national authorities as well as local communities and families to take action and address this issue.
The young women who participated in this study live in a rural community with an estimated population of 1, people, located in the Peruvian central Andes at 3, meters over sea level. Agriculture is the community's main economic activity, and is generally performed manually, requiring the participation of the whole family. I also look at the approaches to power, resistance, voice, and agency in assisting my analysis of school practices and its agents.
Finally, I present the methodology and findings, and provide recommendations for future research. Questioning young rural women between the ages of 12 and 17, Cespedes found that one in four had already dropped out of school. Late enrollment in school, poverty conditions, a curriculum unrelated with their sociocultural reality, and multiple responsibilities at home and in the field make it very difficult for them to finish school.
In the rural region, students are likely to come from marginalized groups with high levels of malnutrition. A low rate of graduation and high rate of desertion correlate with parents' low educational levels, the deficient application of an appropriate intercultural bilingual curriculum, and poor conditions of infrastructure.
Even if a student is able and determined to finish school, the national curriculum does not adapt itself to rural Peruvian multicultural and multilinguistic realities.
Gender gaps are more evident in rural than urban areas. School can be a positive force for female students, since the recesses provide an important socialization environment which distances girls, although for only few hours, from their multiple responsibilities at home and in the fields, and allows them to share their life experiences with their peers.
Rural students, both male and female, are less likely to receive a quality education. Classes are constantly cancelled, not only due to holidays and other celebrations, but also due to teachers' chronic absences. Even when these teachers are present, many are often inadequately prepared to work with the special needs of a rural student population, and probably lack even minimal teaching materials Karlekar, Despite the large number of programs and initiatives applied in Peru's educational sector, there is still much to do to end inequality and exclusion Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics rural and poor communities.
High rates of students' repeating grade levels; enrolling in school late both in their childhood and in the academic year; dropping out of school Winkler, ; and a generally low graduation rate show that the concept of equal educational opportunities yet remains to be achieved. Students' failures in school, caused by the above factors, are significantly more recurrent in the most disadvantaged social sectors, and for some countries, in rural and indigenous populations. Education in Peru has gone through many stages and reforms which have impacted the less favored social groups in different historical moments, as described above.
Ames stressed that the notion of schooling has gone from an instruction that "scares children" Ortiz,cited in Ames,p.
It has been seen as a central component of national development and as a vehicle for social mobility. This view has been called the education myth that influences rural and indigenous groups' perception of their access to the urban world. Studies on rural communities during the 70's found that education was seen as an important method of permitting their future access to the market. Ames stressed that the view of education as a tool for acculturating the countryside into the urban world has caused conflicts based on the idea of the school's acting as an agent which provides access to knowledge and urban and modern practices, but which also denies students' local and traditional practices.
In spite of the diverse problems that students find in their scholastic education, it still holds the promise, particularly in rural regions, of overcoming underdevelopment, poverty and discrimination. Education is seen as a way to find a place in society, become recognized, and climb the social ladder. It is also perceived as a way to shed "peasant" status and give opportunities to their children, potentially removing them from the harsh manual labor of rural farming.
To these rural groups, education means the possibility of being somebody, knowing other places, going to the city and finding a Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics Ames, Similarly, a study on rural families' support for their children's education showed that contrary to what has been said, and in spite of their difficult living conditions, rural families make great efforts to educate their children; rural families highly value education.
Contrary to the assumption that students' failure at school is a result of parents' disinterest, the study affirmed that the schools themselves are the most significant factor responsible for rural students' failure, due to their refusal to consider students' learning levels, and their ignoring of students' abilities as well as their families' participation in the scholastic experience Uccelli, In spite of rural families' concern for their children's education, the educational system has not yet responded to the rural communities' needs and expectations for educational services.
This view opens new possibilities for the application of this philosophy and approaches to specific situations and discourses. The seminal work of the French theorists Foucault and Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics has contributed interrelated, yet contrasting perspectives on the ways in which cultural practices are constituted by the struggle to produce, stabilize, regulate, challenge and resist dominant meanings Baxter, Instead, they are seen to be shifting and fragmented, multiple and contradictory, displaced and positioned, as students face the various discourses which historically and currently constitute their lives in and out of school.
Dimensions of power and resistance in education. Power is exercised Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics innumerable points, in the interplay of nonegalitarian and mobile relations.
The exercise of power raises the following issues: However, the school attempts to resist the culture of subordinate groups, perhaps by proscribing the use of minority languages or the language varieties of social groups, for example. This will not completely resist the culture of the subordinate groups, however, "because cultural reproduction operates outside the school, as well as through it," and therefore "the cultures of resistance are never eliminated" p.
As soon as power relations become blocked and hierarchical, and as soon as resistance itself becomes aligned with power and creates the potential for further domination, resistance becomes truly necessary Newman, In their study on school settings, Barton et al noted that resistance is an active process which students use to make claims to their own space in schools, and by which students and teachers negotiate control over identity and voice, what schooling is about, and relationships, as described next.
In her analysis on the use of space and voice as sites of problematic gendered agency among young women at school, Gordon found that students are expected to be active and operate as individual adult citizens, but that their opportunities to perform as citizens are limited. The opportunities students have in constructing themselves as agentic speaking subjects are curtailed, and opportunities for exercising agency are distinguished because of the differences between girls and boys; when girls enter the space of learning in an overtly agentic manner, there is a tension between their agency and their gender.
In addition, it was noted that girls have to balance themselves Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics agency and subjectification in to use their voices and bodies in educational spaces. The use of voice and experiences among students was also analyzed in Mitra's study, where it was found that efforts to increase student voice can create meaningful experiences that help to meet the developmental needs of youth, particularly for those students who otherwise would not find meaning in their school experiences.
The use of work groups helped 1 to instill agency in students, or the belief that they could transform themselves and the institutions that affect them; 2 to acquire the skills and competencies to work toward these changes; and 3 to establish with adults and peers, meaningful relationships that create greater connections. That is, all action is socioculturally mediated, both in its production and in its interpretation.
The understanding of agentic acts may differ from society to society; likewise, the interpretation of an individual act may differ from society to society as well. It is equally important to ask how people conceive of their own actions, and
Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics they attribute responsibility for events to individuals, fate, deities, or other animate or inanimate forces. The social cognitive theory is similarly linked to this sociocultural view of agency.
As Martin maintained, agency is the capability of individual human beings to make choices and to act on these choices in ways that make a difference in their lives. Agency emerges from the participation of a developing human being in the physical and sociocultural world. It is the activity of a biological human individual in worldly context that somehow enables the development of agentic capability. An assumption connected to reclaiming agency and voice is that women lose or deny their 'true' voices in response to the oppressive nature of social and cultural expectations for women.
In some cases, women Lacan y la joven homosexual statistics underground with their voices and knowledge; these voices will not only be lost to the young women, but they will be absent from the public arena, and the traditional voices and messages will continue to dominate both the personal and public world of relationships Dorney, Further, in a study on women's and girls' development it was found that girls lose trust in the authority of their own experiences.
This loss of trust, and of voice, happens differently for girls of different racial, class, and cultural backgrounds Rogers,cited by Hayes,p. This qualitative study describes voices and agencies of female rural Andean students pursuing a secondary education.
It explores how practices and discourses in schools and households affect their voices and agenciality, as well as addressing these young women's actions to change the status quo of their lives. The participants in this study were twelve female rural Andean students between the ages of 15 and 20, who were enrolled in their last two years of high school. The observations and interviews also included students' families, teachers, community, and school personnel.
Most of the collected data involved analytic files, field notes, field reports, audiotapes, videotapes, pictures, and written documents. Descubriendo voces Discovering voices: The three main themes which emerged from the data analysis: Class observations in this study corroborated findings of local studies on rural educational contexts that described teachers as individuals whose training has been based on a traditional curriculum; they are prepared to transmit a single discourse in a vertical, authoritative way, limiting the development of knowledge and skills.
For which they are neither ready nor prepared.